father: Demand the Vietnamese Authority to review dead penalty for my son Nguyen Van Chuong

My name is Nguyen Truong Chinh, born in 1945, I am currently residing at Hamlet 1 Binh Dan Village, Kim Thanh, Hai Duong Province. My telephone number is 01626627673 (+84 1626627673). I am writing this letter in desperation, asking you for help by calling on the Vietnamese Government to review my son's - Nguyen Van Chuong - case. 

Having a son on dead penalty and soon to be executed, like many normal parents, we could not described the pains and heart aches we have endured in the last 8 years to see my son was unjustly put in jail and was constantly tortured for the crime he did not commit. 

In the last 8 years, my wife and I have been doing anything we possibly can in hope the court would review our son's case and retrial according the rule of law as we believe my son was innocent. We sold everything we owned from our productive land - our means of living to a piece of land in the back of our home as well as took loans to pay for defend lawyers as well as our trips to the local and central government offices, courts, the parliament house to get attention from the authority about my son's case. In the last eight years, we have sent thousands of the letters to the governments' offices, both provincial and central governments as well as the President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam requesting to intervene. Despite thousands of letters, petition were sent to the authority, none was responded from the government.

My son was wrongly accused of murder a police major in Dinh Vu District, Hai Phong City on July 14, 2007 at 21:00 hours. However, at the time the homicide occurred, my son Nguyen Van Chuong was at Hamlet 1 Binh Dan Village, Kim Thanh, Hai Duong Province - our home village which was 40km away from the crime scene, visited friends and relatives as he normally did every weekend. There many alibis and witnesses are willing to prove my son's where about at the time the homicide occurred.

Knowing his brother was innocent, my younger son, Nguyen Trong Doan, logged a petition to the police investigation office in Hai Duong city requesting the investigation office to look into his brother's case. Instead of carefully investigating the homicide, Hai Duong police arrested my younger son, tortured, coerced him to sign a fabricated indictment for a crime of so-called accessories to murder then sentenced him 2 years in prison. 

In a heartfelt letter addressed to his mother, our son, Nguyen Van Chuong, had detailed how he was constantly tortured by the homicide police during the investigation. They used most inhumane, heinous, brutal methods to force him to confess the crime. When our son maintained his innocence, homicide police threatened him to beat his pregnant wife up and kill his unborn child if he refused to sign the confession. Could not endure the brutal, heinous tortures and in order to save his wife and his unborn child and to end his nightmare, our son had no choice but to sign the confession wrote up by police with their version of events, hoping that, when he was in-court he could present his case with the judge to prove his innocent. Unfortunately, in court, the judge and prosecutors did not accept factual evidences provided by witnesses and went ahead to sentence my innocent son to death penalty regardless. 

On 06/10/2014, two court officers went to Tran Phu prison, Hai Phong City and notified our son, Nguyen Van Chuong, that the case has been finalised by the court and the death penalty will be implemented at the end of December 2014.

On 21/10/2014, two officers from Hai Phong City's detention centre also announced that the death penalty will be implemented at the end of December 2014.

On 29/10/2014, two officers from Hai Phong City's prosecutor office went to the prison and informed my son that the death penalty will be implemented at the end of December 2014.

On 26/10/2014, Huynh Tien Nam, a deputy commander from Binh Dan village police station together with two civilian clothes men went to our home to see us. One of the men was introduced as Nguyen Dang Linh and the other was introduced as Thanh, a police officer from Kim Thanh district, Hai Duong province. They informed us that the death penalty will be carried out on our son Nguyen Van Chuong at the end December 2014 and asked us if we had anything to say. We told them we strongly objected the death penalty imposed on our son and all we wanted was justice for our innocent son. In the last 8 years, we have continuously called on the authority, police, the court, crime investigation department, provincial and local governments to review our son's case but none of these offices were bothered to look into it. 

I have tried every humanly possible avenue in bid to save our innocent son from the death penalty. I again wrote a letter to the President of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, Truong Tan Sang, this time with my own blood. Like many letters I sent to him before, I have never received any response from our Head of State.

Early December 2014, we handed my petition about my son's case to Mrs Le Thi Nga, deputy director of Vietnam Congress' Justice Department, requested her to hand letter over to the president. However, until now I have not received any responded from the authority while the execution date is imminent. Nowhere to turn, my wife and I chose the "sitting and silent" protest as a last resort at the front of Ly Thai To park in Hanoi to let people who believe in justice know that our son was unjustly sentenced to death for the crime he did not commit 

On December 17, while we were sitting in silent protest, security guards and secret police kept harassing us, threatened us if we did not move away from the area, we would be arrested and detained. One thing we don't understand that while foreign visitors were freely taking photos of us but our people were discriminately forbidden to take any pictures. They were chasing away and they even had their cameras and smart phones confiscated by security guards. When I told story about my son's case, some older security guards seemed to have some sympathy for us but the younger ones appeared to be heartless, pretended to be dumb and deaf despite we emotionally appealed them to let us stay. With their strengths and numbers, they heavy-handedly pushed and chased us away. Despite being constantly harassed and driven away, we kept coming back and continued to silently protest as our son's life is at stake. 

Many passers-by who expressed their empathy towards our son's case have touched our hearts and we are thankful for that. During lunch time, there was a young girl who brought us some breads and water, emotionally told us in tears: "Uncle, this is what I could only do for you". We were grateful for her kindness and asked her to share the news in the social networks to save our son from the unjust execution. In the morning of December 18, there was a young couple walking by, when the girl stopped to read the placard, her boyfriend quickly dragged her away saying "it is not our business". 

As we understand people are different and have different views about us, but we strongly believed that our son is innocent. He did not commit any crime and he does not deserve to die. We will do anything which is humanly possible to fight for our son's justice and to DEMAND THE AUTHORITY TO OVERTURN NGUYEN VAN CHUONG'S DEATH PENALTY. We would like again to ask for your help by voicing your support and demand the Vietnamese Authority to immediately review our son's case and to carry out thorough investigation, bring the culprits to justice as well as petition the Vietnamese Government to review its juridical system to ensure a fair, transparent and independent juridical system for all Vietnamese people. If Nguyen Van Chuong was unjustly executed for the crime he did not commit then there will be many people will die unjustly like him

With Respect,

Nguyen Truong Chinh

Beijing Uses Confucius Institutes for Espionage, Says Canadian Intelligence Veteran

Beijing Uses Confucius Institutes for Espionage, Says Canadian Intelligence Veteran
By Omid Ghoreishi,  Epoch Times | October 14, 2014

Last Updated: October 30, 2014 9:49 pm

CIs are used to advance Beijing's influence, former CSIS senior manager tells Toronto school board.

There was no subtlety in Michel Juneau-Katsuya’s tone when directly asking Canada’s largest school district to give the boot to its controversial Confucius Institute. 

The former chief of Asia-Pacific for the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, Juneau-Katsuya has seen all too often in his several decades of service that China spares no effort in exerting its influence in other countries. 

Juneau-Katsuya has published a number of books and articles on the topic of espionage in Canada, and is one of the most quoted intelligence experts in Canadian media. He is currently the president and CEO of Northgate SSI, a security consulting firm, and teaches criminology at the University of Ottawa. 

No one disputes the value of teaching language and culture, the intelligence veteran told a Toronto District School Board (TDSB)  committee on Oct. 1. But organizations like the Confucius Institute are similar to a Trojan horse, he said.

represent a threat for the Canadian government, do represent a threat to the Canadian public,” Juneau-Katsuya told the TDSB committee.

“There is publicly available information stating clearly that Western counter-intelligence agencies have identified Confucius Institutes as forms of spy agencies used by the [Chinese] government and employed by the [Chinese] government.”

Juneau-Katsuya was one of several people who asked to address the committee. The TDSB is trying to decide whether to permanently abandon its Confucius Institute partnership after an outcry from concerned parents and trustees. The committee voted on Oct. 1 to end the partnership. The entire board will vote on the issue at the end of the month.

Promoted as non-profit organizations funded by the Chinese communist regime to teach Chinese language and culture, Confucius Institutes (CI) have been cited by China’s own officials as tools to advance the regime’s soft power.

Former CSIS head Richard Fadden said during a 2010 speech while still serving with the agency that CIs are controlled by Chinese embassies and consulates and linked them with Beijing’s efforts to influence Canadian policy.

The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) own former propaganda chief, Li Changchun, called CIs “an important part of China’s overseas propaganda set-up.”

Former CCP leader Hu Jintao also clarified that using the name of Confucius for the institutes is no indication that the regime suddenly endorses the teachings of the ancient sage, which were widely criticized and ridiculed during Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution.

Rather, the famous name allows the CCP to promote the institutes since, according to Hu’s remarks published in Chinese, “through many years of effort, we have now found the way to cultivate and prepare supporters for our Party.”

“Establishing and spreading the various Chinese language institutes such as Confucius Institutes around the world is to increase our Party’s [CCP's] influence worldwide,” Hu said.

Confucius Institutes Rejected

“Facts are…that currently the Confucius Institutes in Canada are not increasing in number, they are decreasing in number,” Juneau-Katsuya told the TDSB committee.

McMaster University and the University of Sherbrooke shut down their CIs, and in the United States, the Pennsylvania State University and the University of Chicago recently decided to end their relationship with CIs.

“They experienced the partnership with the Confucius Institute, they experienced partnership with the Chinese government, and they decided to give up the [relationship],” Juneau-Katsuya said.

“My father used to remind me very often that wise men would learn from the experience of somebody who went through something, and the fool will wait and go through the same experience instead.”

In a statement issued in June, the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), which represents tens of thousands of academics, urged U.S. universities not to partner with CIs, warning that the institutes serve as an arm of the Chinese state. The AAUP’s statement followed that of its Canadian counterpart, the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT), which called on academic institutions in Canada to cut ties with CIs.

Spying Activities

There is no shortage of evidence showing how CIs are used for spying activities, Juneau-Katsuya said.

Investigations have shown that CI employees in certain provinces have tried to get access to government accounts and secrets, he said. What’s more, Chinese intelligence agencies do not plan in terms of years, but rather generations.

“They have developed a system where they would be capable to recruit people or identify people from very, very early ages, wait for a long period of time,­­­ and eventually sort of capture the ‘spirit’ of the love that person might have for the Chinese culture,” Juneau-Katsuya said, citing this as one of the risks of the CI coming to Toronto schools.

In another example, Juneau-Katsuya said an academic gets invited to China, is given the red-carpet treatment such as expensive meals and wine, and is made to believe he or she is someone “extremely important.”

Once the person becomes indebted to the regime, the regime’s agents will use this leverage to advance their own agenda.

“The Chinese exploit that very well, and they are good at being capable to sort of barter their way and barter their relationship with people, and that has been done over and over again.”

CSIS has observed many cases of this, Juneau-Katsuya said, where elected officials and representatives of major institutions go on visits to China and once back, implement policies favourable to Beijing in their jurisdiction, whether municipal, provincial, or federal.

Then-head of CSIS Fadden said in an interview with the CBC in 2010 that some municipal politicians and provincial cabinet ministers are under the influence of foreign governments, while alluding to China as the most aggressive country in efforts to gain influence in Canada.

CIs also target people in the industry for the Chinese regime’s benefit, Juneau-Katsuya said.

“Confucius Institutes do not only teach students, … they also go to the private sector and teach to the private sector,” he said.

The unsuspecting people from the industry attend the institute and hope to learn Chinese and build friendships. However, “there is a strategy behind all of this [for CIs] to be able to eventually recruit or simply obtain information from these people.”

‘Agents of Influence’

CIs are part of a larger network of organizations used by the CCP to advance its influence abroad, Juneau-Katsuya said. Other organizations within this network include the United Front Work Department (UFWD) and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office (OCAO), among others.

“They all use soft power, and they are clearly identified by Western [counter-intelligence] agencies as agencies specifically working for spying on the Western world,” Juneau-Katsuya said.

In fact, many of the organizations rallying the Chinese community to voice support for CIs are closely linked to the UFWD and the OCAO. He noted that the UFWD’s annual budget for espionage is over $36 billion.

Juneau-Katsuya presented pictures and online records of representatives from pro-CI organizations such as the National Congress of Chinese Canadians (NCCC), the Confederation of Toronto Chinese Canadian Organizations (CTCCO), the Chinese Professional Association of Canada (CPAC), and the Beijing Association of Canada being received or praised by Chinese officials.

“What is very important [for China] is to have certain organizations that become agents of influence of their own within the community, to be capable to identify first the dissidents, and be capable after that to lobby very much the local government of any country,” he said.

“This kind of strategy has been deployed at various levels. You find it … as student associations, as cultural associations, as business associations, or any form of political association or friendship association.”

Chen Yonglin, a former Chinese diplomat who defected to Australia in 2005, told Epoch Times that the NCCC is at the top of a pyramid of groups set up by the Chinese Embassy and consulates in Canada, with the goal to control and influence the Chinese community and the Canadian government.

A post about the CTCCO on the Chinese regime’s website states: “Whenever there is something against China’s interests, CTCCO will organize parades to protest or use media to protect the image of China … such as [the time] they protested the Mayor of Saint John who rose the Tibetan Separatists flag in City Hall on the day when Premier Zhu Rong Ji arrived.”

Requests seeking interviews with the NCCC, CPAC, and the Beijing Association of Canada were not answered. In a past interview with Epoch Times, the NCCC denied being controlled by “any party or political force.” The person who answered the phone at the CTCCO hung up when asked for an interview.

Blogging for a Future Democracy: The Story of Anh Ba Sam

Story of Anh Ba Sam

Posted on July 14, 2014 by Rosemary D'Amour —

Guest post by Pham Doan Trang

On a late spring day in Hanoi, officers from the Vietnamese Ministry of Public Security launched a sudden raid on the home and business of well-known blogger, Nguyen Huu Vinh, better known as Anh Ba Sam (Vietnamese for “Brother Gossiper”). Vinh and his assistant Nguyen Thi Minh Thuy were detained immediately.A sudden raid–and the “urgent arrest,” as the police put it– is a technique regularly practiced by the security forces in Vietnam in order to suppress political dissent. In Vinh’s case, they have achieved this–for now. Two of the websites that he was managing at the time, Chep Su Viet (Writing Viet History) and Dan Quyen (Citizens’ Rights), were shut down shortly after his arrest, which indicated that the police were able to gain control of the sites and their passwords.

Gerichtsverhandlung gegen Bürgerrechtlerin in Vietnam

Die Gerichtsverhandlung gegen Bürgerrechtlerin / Demokratiekämpfer/Innen Bùi Thị Minh Hằng, Nguyễn Văn Minh und Nguyễn Thị Thúy Quỳnh findet sich am 12.12.2014 um 7:30 Uhr in Le Quy
Don 1 , Cao Lãnh Stadt statt.

Touristen beschatten.

Ho Duy Hai, given a death sentence without being proven guilty ?

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=bT4cXfcl_wk&feature=youtu.be


Sáng 28/11/2014, mẹ của tử tù Hồ Duy Hải đã biểu tình trước cổng Toà án nhân dân thành phố Hà Nội. Nhà hoạt động Trương Dũng dùng camera để quay lại toàn bộ quá trình này.Một người trong nhóm Dư luận viên( an ninh) tên là Đỗ Anh Minh đã xông tới gây hấn với nhà hoạt động Trương Dũng. Người này liên tục dùng những lời lẽ khó nghe như gọi anh Dũng là "phản động", mày tao và giật máy quay của anh.Sau đó người tên Minh này vu cáo nhà hoạt động Trương Dũng là cổ vũ cho "cờ vàng", bôi nhọ ông Hồ Chí Minh, cũng như ông Võ Nguyên Giáp mà không cần trưng ra bất cứ bằng chứng nào.Nhà hoạt động Thuý Nga đã quay lại diễn biến quá trình gây hấn của người tên Minh này. Chị Nga cũng khuyên anh Dũng nên quay về, để không mắc bẫy gây hấn của An ninh.

http://www.chuacuuthe.com/2014/12/ho-duy-hai-given-a-death-sentence-without-being-proven-guilty/